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By Omer Preminger

In this booklet, Omer Preminger investigates how the compulsory nature of predicate-argument contract is enforced by way of the grammar. Preminger argues that an empirically sufficient concept of predicate-argument contract calls for recourse to an operation, whose obligatoriness is a grammatical primitive no longer reducible to representational houses, yet whose winning end result isn't enforced by way of the grammar.

Preminger's argument counters modern ways that locate the obligatoriness of predicate-argument contract enforced via representational capacity. the main widespread of those is Chomsky's "interpretability"-based thought, during which the obligatoriness of predicate-argument contract is enforced via derivational time bombs. Preminger provides an empirical argument opposed to modern ways that search to derive the compulsory nature of predicate-argument contract solely from derivational time bombs. He bargains as a substitute an alternate account in response to the proposal of obligatory operations better fitted to the proof. The the most important information contains utterances that inescapably contain attempted-but-failed contract and are still absolutely grammatical. Preminger combines a close empirical research of contract phenomena within the Kichean (Mayan) languages, Zulu (Bantu), Basque, Icelandic, and French with an in depth and rigorous theoretical exploration of the far-reaching outcomes of those information. The result's a singular suggestion that has profound implications for the formalism that the thought of grammar makes use of to derive compulsory techniques and homes.

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Sample text

Failed agreement, as defined in (8), can therefore serve to distinguish at least the derivational time-bombs model from the other two. Insofar as we are able to establish the existence of failed agreement in grammatical utterances, the derivational time-bombs model can be ruled out on empirical grounds. The three chapters that follow present a case study that shows failed agreement being tolerated in utterances that are nevertheless grammatical, based on data from the Kichean Agent-Focus construction.

Crosslinguistically, however, obligatory clitic doubling is not unique to Basque: as noted by Arregi and Nevins (2012), the same is found with strong object pronouns in Spanish (Jaeggli 1982, Suñer 1988) and with subjects in certain Northern Italian dialects (Poletto 2000). Turning now to the account put forth by Béjar and Rezac (2003; henceforth, B&R): the point of departure for their account is the idea that the set of features normally referred to as “ϕ -features” does not actually act as an atomic, indivisible unit, as far as the syntactic derivation is concerned.

Since our central concern here is agreement in the AF construction, I leave aside the question of which alternative means each Kichean language makes use of, and why, to express those meanings that cannot be expressed using AF because of the AF person restriction. 2 Against a Purely Morphological Analysis of Agreement in Agent-Focus The AF person restriction militates against several possible analyses of the agreement patterns that arise in AF. 2, the AF construction makes use of agreement markers from the absolutive paradigm, and only one of them ever surfaces on a given AF verb—even when the combination of arguments is such that each one, were it the object of a regular transitive, would give rise to a nonnull absolutive agreement marker.

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